Egyptian air force attacks in Sinai for first time since 1973
Violence in Sinai
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As the Sinai Goes, So Too the Golan Heights?
The
new status quo in the Middle East is one of porous borders, growing
radicalization and the fragmentation of once stable nation-states
The Insurrection
August 2012 |
Sinai is burning. In the early hours of February
5, 2012, an explosion hit the gas pipeline running from Egypt to Israel
west of the Mediterranean resort town of al-Arish. Consequently, the
supply of Egyptian gas to Israel and Jordan was cut. In the last year,
this pipeline was attacked twelve times and experienced several cuts.
The recurrence of the event at the amazing average rate of once a month
is not surprising. Due to the peace agreement with Israel, the Egyptian
army cannot enter the area and the police are in charge of security.
However, following Mubarak’s fall in February 2011, police presence
thinned out across Egypt. This abandonment of the Sinai Peninsula by the
Egyptians combines with other facts into a perfect formula for the
creation of the recent violence. First, the Bedouins living in the area
resent their being marginalized within Egypt. Second, gas is supplied to
Israel at a large discount through a twenty-year long contract signed
by Mubarak’s government, while the gas price to Jordan was doubled last
October. Additional reasons for violence exist also on the other side of
the border.
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Derived from an Arabic word for semi-arid desert,
“Bedouin” is a term designating members of a large number of Arab
tribes. Egypt features a 400,000 Bedouin population, mainly in the Sinai
Peninsula; while Israel has 200,000 Bedouin citizens living in the
Negev Desert and a smaller number in the Galilee. In the Sinai, they
kept mainly loyal to their traditional ways, while in Israel the
situation was different. Over 60% of Israel is within the Negev Desert;
wandering Bedouins inhabited the area for thousands of years, their
ancestors were traders along the romantic Silk Road. Since the mid-19th
century there has been a slow process of settling down among them. In
the 1950s, the Israeli army began limiting the Bedouins freedom,
attempting to concentrate them in certain areas. Since the 1970s, the
Israeli Administration began creating Bedouin towns, Rahat being the
largest one. Nowadays there are roughly fifty Bedouin settlements in the
Negev with a total of some two hundred thousand inhabitants, roughly
half of them in recognized towns and villages.
Recognized towns and villages get infrastructure
and services from the state, while unrecognized settlements get nothing.
In exchange for recognition, the Israeli Administration often asks for
relocation and for proper verification of ownership. Now, Israel’s law
system is incomplete. Where laws do not exist, Israeli courts often
refer to British Mandate and Ottoman Empire laws. In this case, Israel
decided to work according to the Ottoman Empire law, demanding from the
Bedouins Ottoman “Kushan” ownership papers. Not one Bedouin has such
documents. The result is violent frictions each time the Israeli
Administration attempts to regularize (a polite way of referring to
“state-theft”) the situation of a given tribe. This is to the extent
that a “Bedouin Intifada” is not a new concept; in August 2010 violence
erupted between Bedouins and the Israeli police. The latter failed to
enter a Bedouin settlement after discovering that the Bedouins were
better armed than they were.
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The Bedouins’ situation in Israel is complex.
They are citizens, and as such they may volunteer for service in the IDF
(though most Jewish citizens are forced to enrol-I use here the
definitions used by the Israeli Ministry of Interior). Many Bedouins
volunteer for the IDF, but—unlike Druze citizens—they are restricted
almost completely to service within one unit. It is called the Desert
Rangers Battalion (“Gdud Siur Midbari” in Hebrew), which is part of the
Givati Infantry Brigade. Often called the “Minorities Unit,” it includes
also Circassian and even a few Palestinian soldiers. All of them must
volunteer for the IDF. These soldiers serve mainly as trackers and
pathfinders, and often are attached ad hoc to other military
units while they attempt to move across the desert. The main point is
that they are heavily monitored and kept away from strategic units and
issues. They are not trusted. Their skills serve them also outside the
army, where they are known for being able to cross the well-defended,
fenced border between Israel and Egypt at will. This is when the two
stories combine.
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Interlude: Sinai? Who Cares!
Often, historical events are sanitized to fit
actual political sensibilities. The original Santa Claus originated in
Turkey, before it became a Muslim state. Umberto Eco’s The Name of the Rose
provides astonishing views into Christian monasteries and libraries.
Most people will place such organizations in Europe; yet, the world’s
second largest collection of early codices and manuscripts is in Saint
Catherine’s Monastery, in southern Sinai. Only the Vatican collection
surpasses it.
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The Ladder of Divine Ascent | Saint Catherine’s Monastery
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This is a reminder that the Sinai Peninsula is a
vastly underdeveloped area with an extraordinary potential. Beyond its
culture, it offers also astonishing coasts, which have been only
partially developed. This is even before mentioning the area still has
tremendous importance in the transport of oil and gas. Overall, it may
well support an independent state.
Muslim Egypt, Zionist Israel and…
The recent violence looks strange. How did the
Global Jihad militants arrive at their targets? They couldn’t move along
paved roads; Egyptian police would have detained them. The “global”
part of the name should be read “foreigners.” It means they don’t know
the desert. Moving there safely demands more than a compass and a Lonely
Planet guidebook. How have the oil pipes been targeted with such
regularity and precision? Ever since the peak days of the Silk Road,
Bedouins use their skills as pathfinders and trackers to control the
routes connecting the Negev Desert and the Sinai Peninsula, as well as
related pathways. The low-key Bedouin Intifada within Israel is
beginning to show its muscles, when a de facto Bedouin State is helping unexpected allies and setting the basis for a future open rebellion.
The situation is so serious that two
unprecedented events took place since the revolt against Mubarak began.
The first was the entrance to the Sinai of at least an entire brigade of
the Egyptian army. The peace agreement between the countries allows
only Egyptian police forces to patrol the peninsula. Yet, in fear of the
developing rebellion, Netanyahu allowed Egypt to use its army in Sinai.
This is unlikely to change anytime soon. Then, in recent days, Israel
allowed Egypt to make the abovementioned air attack next to its border.
On June 2012, Mohamed Morsi was declared Egypt’s first Islamist
president in the freest elections in the country’s history. He is the
first president openly identified with the Muslim Brotherhood, an
organization that was defined illegal by the military-run regime. He has
good relations with Iran and made several announcements showing his
intentions to shift Egypt’s alliances in the area. Yet, shortly
afterwards, he found himself dealing with Israel on friendly terms, and
even got permission to use Egypt’s air force near the Israeli border.
This is how critical the situation in the Sinai is turning.
Reality is changing fast in the Middle East.
There are credible signs that Israel may begin an indirect war with
Iran. If Netanyahu is badly pressed, then he may decide to attack
directly. A war between Israel and Syria is also probable. In either
case, when that day comes, Bedouins may use their skills as pathfinders
and trackers, and their control of the routes connecting the Negev
Desert and the Sinai Peninsula, to cross-over and create a new Bedouin
State with their brothers on the Egyptian side. There would be nobody
capable of stopping the event. A well-known Bedouin saying is “I against
my brother, my brothers and I against my cousins, then my cousins and I
against strangers.” It reflects very well their hierarchy of loyalties.
Should the opportunity arise, there is little doubt it would be seized.
A flying camel passing through illusions of modern power; an ancient
Silk Road reasserting its birth rights.
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